Written contribution of the PCP - Athens 21-23 06 2002
This Seminar, organized by the fraternal Communist Party of Greece, is debating issues of great importance for the workers and the peoples of the world. Our Party's National Conference, which is held on Saturday, June 22, prevents a direct participation of the Portuguese Communist Party at the Seminar. We, nonetheless, wish to contribute to the debate, and that is the purpose of this written statement.
Dear Comrades,
It has often been said that the world faced a new situation after the terrorist attack of September 11, 2001. The novelty of the situation lies in the qualitative escalation of the global offensive by imperialism in general, and U.S. imperialism in particular, seeking to impose upon the workers and peoples of the world a totalitarian “new order”, under U.S. hegemony. But neither the goals, nor the nature, nor the root causes of this offensive are new. And considering the speed and scale of the initiatives undertaken by the U.S. Administration in the past nine months, it is legitimate to say that regardless of the precise nature of the events of September 11 the plans and reparations for this stepped-up offensive already existed prior to that date. What the terrorist attacks against U.S. territory created was an appropriate political and psychological environment for such plans to be unleashed.
Imperialism's policy and goals are global. They are aggressive, due to imperialism's very nature. In the current imperialist offensive, we can highlight five fundamental traits:
(i) an arrogant assertion of the specific interests of U.S. imperialism and of its role as the hegemonic superpower;
(ii) a general escalation of militarism, war-mongering and aggressive interventionism;
(iii) a widespread offensive against fundamental rights, guarantees and freedoms;
(iv) an attempt to conceal the intrinsic causes of capitalism's economic and financial crisis and to force the workers and peoples to shoulder its consequences; and
(v) an attempt to deal a decisive blow against the international legal and institutional framework that emerged from World War II and was further developed in the subsequent decades.
What has made this offensive possible is, in the final analysis, the radical change in the world balance of forces that resulted from the collapse of the Soviet Union and the world socialist system.
The attempts to impose by force the worldwide hegemony of U.S. imperialism are creating a crisis of global proportions. They are bringing about realignments, as can be seen in the current reactionary policies of the Russian and Indian governments, but also in the creation and exacerbation of old and new contradictions, not least between imperialist powers. It is increasingly obvious that what was initially presented as a `global coalition' for a `war against terrorism' has become a unilateral crusade for domination that is destabilizing international relations, with unpredictable consequences. The systematic refusal by U.S. imperialism to accept any international Treaty or Law that will limit its power, or even force it to negotiate (such as the ABM Treaty, the Kyoto Protocol, U.N. Conferences and Resolutions) is accompanied by an increasingly overt assertion of unilateral military might: the aggression against Afghanistan; the threats against the “Axis of Evil” and other countries; Star Wars and the plans to militarise Outer Space; the Nuclear Posture Review with its threatened use of old and new nuclear weapons; the colossal increases in the U.S. military Budget; the total support for Israel's policies of State Terrorism; the deployment of U.S. troops and bases throughout the whole world, with particular emphasis on the doorstep of potential world powers of the future China, Russia, India.
The serious threats that such policies pose to world peace are obvious. The struggle for peace and against imperialist wars is a major priority for all progressive forces today.
If it is true that U.S. imperialism is the main enemy of the workers and peoples of the world, it is nonetheless necessary to strongly oppose the European Union's current militarist escalation and transformation into an imperialist military bloc. Regardless of whether the ruling classes in the EU wish to use such military force to take part as a junior and dependent partner in U.S. designs
for world hegemony (as happened during the NATO aggression against Yugoslavia), or to contain and oppose U.S. imperialism, the militarisation of the EU is not in the interests of the European workers, of the peoples of the world, or of world peace. This is a basic issue where, unfortunately, not all left-wing forces are in agreement.
But it is not possible to oppose one (U.S.) form of imperialism by strengthening and arming another (European) form of imperialism. This, as the History of the 20th century shows, is a path towards domination and war.
The so-called `war on terrorism' has brought in its wake another development of the utmost gravity, of which all progressive and revolutionary forces must be fully aware: the attacks against democratic norms and rights, which are becoming widespread throughout the capitalist world. We are witnessing a qualitative leap forward towards the criminalisation of social protests, of resistance against exploitation and oppression, of the very existence of progressive and revolutionary forces. The recent decision by the EU to add the FARC and the PFLP to its list of terrorist organizations, the increasingly insolent attitudes towards Cuba, the Palestinian Authority and its Chairman, and the ongoing plans to outlaw political parties in European countries, mark a very serious new step in this direction, which was also expressed in the comprehensive changes to security legislation in the US and EU, in the violent repression of anti-globalisation and trade-union protests in Gotemborg, Genoa, and elsewhere, in the public campaigns to `legitimise' torture, political assassinations and other unacceptable practices.
The recent upsurge of fascist and far-right parties and policies in Europe is also an integral part of this process. Imperialism is setting in place the instruments and mechanisms for repression against the working-class and popular resistance to which its policies will inevitably give rise.
Dear Comrades,
In any situation, it is important not to lose sight of economic issues. These are the factors that ultimately determine political events. The policies and actions of big capital, which is today indisputably hegemonic on a world level are determined by their quest for profits and for power. These are clearly visible in the targeting of the world centres of production and routes of distribution of energy. But a full understanding of the imperialist policies and initiatives also requires a close study and analysis of capitalism's current economic and financial crisis, of its causes, nature and foreseeable future course. Here too, we are talking about a crisis that began before September 11th and, again, about its use as a pretext to increase the exploitation of the masses throughout the world, to destroy worker's rights and achievements, to force through more public subsidies for the benefit of (military or other) capitalist sectors, to impose new “emergency” rules, whether domestically or internationally, that will serve the interests of big business, but also to redistribute and redefine the relative dominance of each sector and national centre of big business. Imperialist `globalisation' is an aggressive process, a true economic and social war against the workers and peoples of the world.
But it has to be recognised that popular resistance, and the activity of Communist, working-class and left-wing forces, does not yet correspond to the real dangers of this very serious situation. The world balance of forces is still unfavourable. The Communist and revolutionary movement, and anti-imperialist forces as a whole, have not yet overcome their crisis. The working-class and trade union movement is still, to a large extent, under the influence of a social-democracy that is increasingly subordinate to big capital. All this requires major efforts by the Communists, and other progressive and peace-loving forces, to expand and strengthen the international movement of resistance that the current situation requires. We have unique factors at our disposal in this huge task that lies ahead: the theoretical understanding provided by Marxism-Leninism; the theoretical and practical lessons of both victories and defeats resulting from decades of experience of the Communist, working-class and revolutionary movements; our historical and current influence and prestige among large sectors of working people.
With confidence in our forces, in our ideals and in the masses, there is the real possibility of building a democratic and progressive alternative to the current winds of unbridled reaction. In times of crisis events unfold at an unpredictable pace. It is our common duty to be prepared for the future.
